Of course, there was only one way for the Netanyahu-led coalition to react: promise to build more homes and give Itamar recognition as a city, a sentiment cranked up by major stakeholder Eli Yishai. This seems a bit irrational, as it derails the peace process even more and gives the Palestinians cause to consider taking up arms. Right now, no one knows who perpetrated these murders. Mahmoud Abbas made a point of going onto Radio Israel to harshly condemn the attacks, and Saeb Erekat and other Palestinian Authority officials came out to harshly condemn the attacks as well. Of course, some Palestinians were disgusted with the announcement of new housing projects in the West Bank to reward the martyrdom of people who burn olive groves and desecrate Arab cemeteries.
But the irrationality of this coalition will not allow for these feelings of sympathy to fall on hearing ears. The attitude is analogous to Sarah Palin: instead of "drill, baby, drill," it's "build, baby, build," in the name of a family of martyrs killed by an unknown suspect. The brother of the father, Motti, eulogized the family and asked that they not be made pawns in a national struggle, a call that seems to be falling of deaf ears. It is funny because the cabinet seems to be bypassing the courts' and police's responsibility to figure out who did this, having already found the Palestinian people guilty. No formal investigation has come up with a perpetrator, but no one is willing to say if it were a terrorist. It could have been a serial killer. No one knows, but Netanyahu is in to declaring, not letting this opportunity to rally around the flag be for naught. And while the Israelis focus on oppressing Palestinian leadership into a submissiveness similar to its people, they lose another ally in Uruguay who come to support Palestinian independence.
The next election will not be until 2013, unless there is a coalition breakdown. The religious parties will avoid a vote of no confidence at any cost, because that may play into the rise of a secular, left-leaning government. If Netanyahu were given a vote of no confidence, it is possible that Tzipi Livni would be given the chance to form a coalition, and Netanyahu, sick of the lack of diplomatic ability from Avigdor Lieberman, would accept a chance to govern in a national unity government, leaving the religious out of the fold. Kadima, with 28 seats in the Knesset, would lead, with Likud's 27 and Labor's 8 would give them enough of a majority (Let's leave the power-hungry Ehud Barak and Atzmaut out of this, as Labor wouldn't trust him and what's five members of Knesset worth?). The inclusion of Meretz's 3 would bring them up to 66 members. Possibly add in the Arab parties and you'd have 74. However, it is very unlikely that the Arab parties would join in a coalition with Likud, famous for oppressing the Arab Israelis (usually Christians and Muslims) that make up their constituents.
But could you imagine an Israeli coalition without any religious parties involved? The Interior Ministry would be able to accept so many more potential Jewish immigrants who would not need to have been converted by an Orthodox rabbi. Housing authorities would cater to building projects that do not claim more of the West Bank and instill confidence in the peace process among the Palestinians. This may be problematic in exposing the schisms between religious and secular in Israeli society, and launch a civil war that waits for the end of an Arab-Israeli conflict to be exposed, but the majority must take back the democracy it deserves sometime.
As Netanyahu clings to power, one may see the disaffected secular population finally show its power at the polls in the event of an election being called. As long as religious parties continue to be kingmakers, peace cannot be within reach. Instead, the government will continue to isolate Israel from an Arab world that is modernizing and beginning to see that the democracy they aspire to be is more oppressive than it claims.
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